In case you haven’t caught it, Ndesanjo (new Sub-Saharan Africa editor for Global Voices!) has a very useful roundup of all the posts surrounding the indaba.
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Apart from a few smart-ass remarks on my blog, I have largely avoided any commentary on the controversy (and rather stimulating debate) surrounding Blogging Indaba. That being said, the debate was welcome and while I think that some of the commentary was way overboard in terms of paranoia over an African blogosphere take-over-by-whitey, I will never question the right to question…hell, Mzalendo was born out of the very idea that individuals should question their government. Furthermore, isn’t that what blogging is all about…at it’s very core…individual expression….whether you are writing about your socks, hard fucks (KM where are you?) or the implications of the Kengen IPO. An aside: I find it very interesting that the very same people who were arguing that blogging remains a very personal domain that should not be subject to any code, indaba, elite project, do-gooder goals etc., were disappointed that the Kenyan bloggers in My, that was a digression wasn’t it. Like I said earlier, I did have great ambitions of doing a blow-by-blow summary of events/panels during the indaba, but this never happened for several reasons mainly related to the fact that I was in attendance as a speaker and was putting together my presentation/workshop up until the very last meeting, and had several meetings related to Mzalendo during some of the panels, and I’m currently I’m doing the closing paperwork/contracts for two deals at work worth several million rands and only got to spend a week in Grahamstown in exchange for my promising my boss rapid response to any emails that require my attention. Unfortunately, some of the panels that I did manage to catch focused on what I felt were peripheral issues e.g. describing Web 2.0 – something that was helpful to absolutely no one in attendance. So, instead of giving a granular perspective of what I think were important ideas the came out of the conference (for those who are looking for that, please see the wiki and Marazzmatazz if you haven’t already), I’ll do my best to give a larger picture view. That, ladies and gentlemen inaitwa disclaimer. Haiya…what was accomplished by the indaba? 1. An interesting two weeks on the African blogosphere. Debate is good…now let’s take this somewhere concrete. 2. Sokari wonders”How is this going to encourage people who know nothing about the possbilities of blogging or who dont have access to technology – how is it going to help them?” In my view the Indaba certainly will not help people who don’t have access to technology…in fact one of the challenges posed at the conference was to move away from all this talk about Web 2.0 in a vaccum and start thinking about how Web 2.0 tools can be used in conjunction with other tools to reach those without access e.g. merging the ability of those of with access to create individual content via podcasts with traditional forms of media which remain critical in Africa e.g. radio. Instead of sitting around and complaining about how white male software developers are not developing tools for countries without widespread access (why should they I wonder?), lets challenge African developers to develop tools that are relevant to the African context (have I said this enough times, lets stop whining!). I do think it did encourage others to think about possibilities of blogging, at least that’s the feedback I got after my talk on Mzalendo, which is built on a blogging platform. The idea that all these new tools are a means to an end rather than an end in themselves was something that I think was effectively communicated by the end of the conference (though it didn’t start out that way). I talked to a number of attendees, mainly journalists from other countries, who were learning about blogging tools for the first time and were interested in using blogs particularly to circumvent the influence of corruption when it comes to editorial decisions at major newspapers, and to a number of people who worked in civil society organizations who wanted to learn how to use blogs to boost their online presence….so yes, I think attendees were introduced to new possibilities. 3. Alaa’s talk on the role of blogs and other forms of technology like email and SMS and amplifying the voice of activists and encouraging people to almost fall into more mainstream forms of activism e.g. street protests was powerful – again reinforcing the theme of not obsessing about blogs and other tools as ends in themselves. What I like the most about his presentation, which came right after mine, was that it represented an excellent example of an idea a coined during my presentation – micro-activism – the idea that while technology won’t be facilitating political revolutions in Africa any time soon, it is a great way to give voice to the individual, usually at no cost, and that small step can often lead to bigger possibilities whether it is gaining self-confidence or becoming the go-to resource for financial reporting. 4. From the DCI programme, “Our other goal is to provide a networking platform for fellow Africans that will hopefully promote further collaboration on the continent and build a strong, active online community.” I think networking did happen and I suspect their will be collaboration taking place e.g. Alaa wants to discuss replicating Mzalendo in Egypt, but it’s impact will be limited by the fact that the audience itself was limited. 5. Andrew Heavens’ photo blogging workshop was very popular. More than the straight up blogging workshop – suggesting that people aren’t interested in tools (anyone can set up a blogger account), but interesting ways to use tools. OK, this wasn’t an accomplishment, just an observation.
2. I’m repeating myself a bit but some of the panels had little relevance to the state goals of the indaba e.g. the civil society one and the we media one, I don’t think the conference organizers had a true sense of how diverse the African blogosphere is and they generally did a poor job of putting together a series of panels that truly demonstrate the possibilities of blogging. I would much rather have listened to Ndesanjo speak about building a Swahili blogosphere etc. Side note: I agree with White African here that the content of the conference is much more powerful than the fact that everyone there looks like you…most of the ideas that have inspired me the most have been cribbed from conferences where I was one of two black people in attendance, but one shouldn’t assume that networking isn’t a challenge is such situations…it is. What next? I’m with Mental on this. Take all the energy spurred by the debate and work on putting together a conference that is more representative and relevant. Prior to the blogging indaba, the only other person that I’d heard speak about an African blogging conference and who I know tried to do some background work on putting one together was Ethan Zuckerman (another white male for those who are keeping score). It will be interesting to see whether this idea grows legs though…when we started Mzalendo, one of things we counted on was strong support and assistance from KBW especially with the idea of blogging from Parliament, after all KBW had no shortage of a cacophony of voices of people who were disgusted with our MPs (some of Thinker’s most popular posts are those that diss MPs)…apart from a few individuals who stepped up (less than 10, I think) Mzalendo never became the the blogger activism vehicle we thought it would…instead most of the people who have been critical in getting us good data, pointing out errors, spreading the word, etc. are people who’ve generally never even heard about blogs or read a blog and in some cases have little to do with Kenya…funny how that turned out. OK, time for dinner. Next year, msiseme oohh…eehh… (channeling Moi) ati….hamukujua ati…conspiracy. Click here to apply for scholarships. Sorry, no time to upload this as a pdf. 9th September 2006 PRESS RELEASE KENYA ANTI-CORRUPTION COMMISSION INVESTIGATIONS INTO THE KENYA NATIONAL COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS ARE “COUNTER-REFORM†TACTICS BY THE STATE BACKGROUND For many months, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) has been aware of machinations by powerful State actors to weaken, control or close down the National Commission. These machinations have come about because of the work of the National Commission in carrying out its legal mandate as a “watch dog†of the government, from within government on the broad area of human rights, which these powerful actors have interpreted as lack of loyalty to the Government. Clearly, these powerful actors do not understand the international phenomenon of National Human Rights Institutions, like the KNCHR. As noted in the editorial of the Daily Nation on July 30, 2006, the calls for reduction of the powers of watchdog institutions which subsequently obtained consensus within Government were set off by Finance Minister Amos Kimunya in July 2006 and the Government’s position would appear to be that the KNCHR and some other independent state institutions have become “too powerful†and that there is cause to cut them to size in order to “protect Kenyans†from organizations gone rogue. 1. We are aware that the investigations have been instigated by the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs based on an audit by the Controller and Auditor General. What is of concern is that two (2) of the four (4) matters under investigation-the issues of “relocation expenses†and procurement of motor vehicles-were originally raised in the management letter by the Controller and Auditor General and were explained to the satisfaction of his office and therefore removed from the final report. Why then would investigations be carried out on such issues if not for malice, bad faith, and a deliberate effort to weaken or control the KNCHR? 2. The terms of four of nine Commissioners expired on 29th July 2006. Section 14 of the KNCHR Act requires that Commissioners must hold a meeting each month with a minimum quorum of five of the nine Commissioners. But in its last session, the House Business Committee refused or neglected to bring the recommendations of the Parliamentary Committee on Administration of Justice—which is responsible for selecting Commissioners- to the House for debate and approval, before forwarding the names to the President for appointment under S.11 (6) of the Act. Now, if one (1) or more of the Commissioners still in office are charged in court under spurious corruption or economic crimes charges, and permission to prosecute is given by the Attorney General, Section 62 (1) of the Anti-Corruption & Economic Crimes Act of 2003 calls for the suspension of such public officer at half pay from the date of the charges. If that were to happen, it will mean that the KNCHR will not be able to function, and will have been effectively closed down through the back door. Is this the intention of this investigation and hence the reluctance of the House Business Committee—on which the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs sits—to bring the matter of filling the vacant positions at KNCHR before Parliament? We are aware of the bizarre situation that prevailed when Mr. John Githongo resigned in February 2005 where the Government claimed that there was a Department of Governance and Ethics but no one working there. 3. At no time has the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs—responsible for human rights in Cabinet—officially or otherwise attempted to discuss or enquire from the Commission on the issues being investigated, which is what would be expected in an atmosphere of good faith promotive of accountability rather than witch-hunting. 4. We are aware that many National Human Rights Institutions in transitions to democracy have faced similar efforts to weaken and/or control them especially when they take their “watch-dog†role too seriously. Indeed, in democratic theory, what is going on against the KNCHR is classic “counter-reform†where the language of reform is used to reduce democratic space; harass and witch-hunt perceived critics; and increase the power and role of the Executive. And often the targets of “counter reform†are those pushing hardest for reform. 5. For the record, the National Commission strongly believes that public institutions must be accountable and open to public scrutiny. Indeed, few public institutions have been as accountable, open and accessible to the public as KNCHR: We publish our accounts annually in the local media; we hold annual Public Accountability Forums where we open ourselves to public scrutiny by citizens; we publish an Annual Statement of achievements and challenges in the local media; we submit our annual report and a financial statement of our accounts to the President and to the National Assembly through the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs; and we are responsive to the public as much as our limited resources enable us to be. In addition, we have opened ourselves fully to scrutiny by civil society organizations, which are currently completing their own review of the Commission’s work. 6. On the current investigations, we have provided documentation to KACC on all the four issues KACC is purporting to investigate, two of which, as previously noted are the creation of the Ministry of Justice & Constitutional Affairs as they were not raised by the Controller & Auditor General. These four issues are: (a) The process that led KNCHR to buy Honda vehicles (instead of the expensive Mercedes Benz limousines preferred by public officials of similar rank and which Commissioners are entitled to), a matter not raised by the Controller & Auditor General in his final report; (b) the documents relating to relocation allowances for, and expenses incurred by the Chairman, and 2 other Commissioners relocating to Nairobi from Washington DC, Mombasa and Isiolo respectively, a matter not raised by the Controller & Auditor General in his final report; (c) the process leading to the appointment of independent auditors to ensure proper financial systems and accountability and to audit monies granted to us by some external funding agencies under Section 26 (2) of the KNCHR Act; and (d) payments made to credible companies from faxed invoices for services provided to KNCHR. 7. Perhaps it is in recognition of our efforts at public accountability that the August 2006 perception poll report by the National Anti-Corruption Campaign Steering Committee on the State of Corruption in Kenya, rated KNCHR the most effective government body (and second overall to the media) in the fight against corruption with approval ratings of 79% from the Kenyan public. KACC receives no mention in its effectiveness in fighting corruption. 8. There have been suggestions that the issue here is really about accountability of all state institutions. But has anyone ever seen any accounts—audited or not–of the Ministry of Justice & Constitutional Affairs? Or audited accounts from the Ministries of Lands, Health, Transport, Water, Office of the President, State House or other public bodies? For instance, does anyone know who did legal opinions for the National Water Corporation between 2003 and 2005? And how these and other services were procured and how much the providers were paid? Why is it that it is only an institution like KNCHR–faithful to its lawful mandate and to the people of Kenya in checking Government excesses and service delivery—that is being selectively targeted? 9. We note that the current counter-reform strategy of using the KACC against independent bodies simply doing their job is the new form of harassment favored by this Government. While Kenyatta’s regime favored assassinations and detention without trial; Moi’s regime favored detention without trial at the beginning before opting for sedition charges to silence critics. The current favored tool of using vague “abuse of office†investigations by this regime comes from the same mindset and ideology of non-tolerance of honest and constructive criticism. 10. We are informed that charges against some of us here have already been drafted. For the record, no one at the National Commission has been asked to record a statement on any of the issues being investigated. 11. The fact that much of what we have learnt about these investigations has come from leaks to the media from KACC, suggests that the issue has less to do with trying to promote even selective accountability than damaging the credibility of the KNCHR-this credibility has seen KNCHR awarded in September 2006 a grant of US$ 350,000, equivalent to Kshs 25 million by the United Nations Democracy Fund towards promoting accountability- by insinuating that those who speak loudest against corruption may themselves be corrupt. We invite the KACC Director to publicly carry out investigations into the leaks—with public results—as a way to show KACC’s bona fides. 12. While all issues of corruption are important, any reasonable person with commitment to rooting out corruption will agree that it is tackling those grave and huge matters of grand corruption that leads to reducing corruption in any society, as these are mostly conducted with the blessings of powerful people who enjoy impunity. Spending time and energy on petty corruption, such as “stings†against immigration officers will not root out grand corruption and in fact sends the message that the more powerful are protected while the less powerful must be held accountable. This in turn weaves its own circle of sycophants that can then freely engage in corruption as they are protected from “higher-up.†13. Clearly the most important corruption scandal since this regime took office is the Anglo Leasing and associated scandals. Several issues must be noted in this matter. 14. First, all the arrests and arraignment in court on Anglo Leasing matters were done before Judge Ringera and his team took office in August 2004 under the guidance of Mr. John Githongo who had a much smaller budget and salary than the leadership at KACC. Second, in his first report to the Attorney General on Anglo Leasing, Judge Ringera recommended the cessation of international investigations into the issue, despite the fact that money was wired back to the Government from international banks and common sense would dictate that one way of identifying those behind Anglo Leasing would be to work with the banks that sent back the money. Moreover, formal and official requests for assistance from foreign governments in investigations (Letters Rogatory) were done before Judge Ringera took office. Since August 2004, no formal requests for assistance have been made, making it impossible, for instance, for the U.S. Government, to assist in locating Dr. Kettering who has been implicated in the Anglo Leasing matters. Third, until the public release of the Githongo dossier in January 2006 (but sent to KACC in November 2005), no key official had been summoned to give statements or provide information on Anglo Leasing. 15. Moreover, recently KACC announced that it wanted several people to declare details of their wealth and how they acquired it. This, despite the fact that this issue is still before the court following an application by Hon. Murungaru. Obviously in terms of law, a matter such as this one can not move until the court makes a decision, and one wonders whether the announcement was meant to present an image of a working KACC. 17. In conclusion, KNCHR welcomes scrutiny from all quarters and would never try to shield itself from being accountable. What this country needs are real reforms, not counter-reforms and an end to “selective accountability.†The same measure of “accountability†that the National Commission is being subjected to should be conducted on all public institutions and Ministries starting with Ministers claiming that this is only about accountability offering accounts of their Ministries first. The KACC should start justifying its huge budget (almost 12 times that of KNCHR) and focus on what benefits the country most, such as the return of the more than US. $1 billion identified by Kroll & Associates way back in 2003 as stashed in foreign accounts and assets, rather than picking on those who have done nothing wrong but seek accountability from public officials. 18. Finally, we wish to reassure the public that we will not be deterred by these efforts at witch-hunting in order to weaken, control or close down the National Commission. We will not relent; whether we are at the National Commission or elsewhere, in our commitment to ensure that real reform and change is realized in this country so we can enjoy real democracy and development. If anything, we are strengthened by the fact that this witch-hunt shows that we are doing our job right and are having the required impact on those in power for after all, human rights is about speaking truth to power and challenging power so that it is accountable. Maina Kiai, Chairperson ………………………………………… Fatuma Ibrahim, Acting Vice Chairperson…………………………….. Tirop Kitur, Commissioner ………………………………………… Lawrence Mute, Commissioner ………………………………………… Godana Doyo, Commissioner ………………………………………… Mburu Gitu, Secretary ……………………………………………….. OK, so my plans for thoroughly blogging from Grahamstown pretty much fell apart mostly due to the fact that I spent more time doing what all conferences (conspiracies against African bloggers notwithstanding Thankfully, I think I’m the only blogger who sucked at multi-tasking. For those looking for detailed coverage check out: 2. Marazzmatazz was a scholarship receipient, but this doesn’t make him a Judas. 3. Bankelele goes global and breaks down banking in SA. 4. My presentation (my first talk ever on Mzalendo!) is summarized at the conference wiki here and by Ethan 5. An aside: for those who were concerned about this, the African Citizens Code of Conduct was a non-starter (as it should have been). 6. Mike Stopforth gives his take on the conference. 7. And finally there’s the DCI blog itself, where you can also see pictures from the conference. Couldn’t blog Ethan’s great opening talk, because I was finalizing my presentation, but will link to the slides shortly. You can also get updates and get pictures at the conference blog – http://dci.ru.ac.blog The first panel was the South African editor’s forum panel, featuring Chris Roper and Bryan Porter (www.24.com – I use this website a lot in SA); Juanita Williams (www.iol.co.za – my primary resource for SA news online); and Ray Hartley (Sunday Times, the one paper subscription that I have in SA). 1. Chris Roper 2. Bryan Porter 3. Ray Hartley (Sunday Times) 4. Juanita Williams 5. Q&A AOB: Perks of attending conferences in Africa – you get to see Yvonne Chaka Chaka and Malaika perform. Rule Number 1 of hosting a blogging conference = make sure that the conference room has internet connectivity (those of you who I expect to put your money where you mouth is and start planning the African blogging conference that you want to see (polemics does nothing for Africa ) – take note). The conference facilities for highway africa had connectivity, but the room where the DCI blogging conference is taking place doesn’t. Most speakers at blogging conferences rely on having internet connectivity to pull up web pages/links when doing presentations (I generally avoid power-point and prefer to do this instead), not to mention the speakers/bloggers in the audience who want to live blog the conference. Needless to say we are unamused. Via the website: “For the first time in history, a generation poised with the resources and tools to do something positive to address the many challenges that face them. Through education, technology, media and travel, this is the first truly global generation. Thousands of young women around the world use Imagining Ourselves as a platform to share their views and connect with a global community. Now we invite you to take part and join us in answering the question: What Defines Your Generation of Women?” For women who are interested in participating, please visit the website and find out how to submit your story – it’s a fantastic project. |
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