BY Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice (KPTJ)
Kenyan Elections Observers’ Log: December 29-30, 2007
The following account is drawn from the statements of four of the five domestic election observers1 allowed into the verification process the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) afforded political party representatives the night before the announcement of the supposed results for the Presidency.
The account illustrates the list of anomalies, malpractices and illegalities that lay behind those results, raising questions as to the ethics, non-partisanship and professionalism of the ECK Commissioners and staff as well as to the validity of the supposed results. The expectation of all concerned was that any findings of the verification process would be addressed by the ECK Commissioners when they met the following morning, but this did not happen.
Countdown to deception: 30 hours that destroyed Kenya
On Sunday, December 30, 2007 at 1830, Mwai Kibaki was sworn in as President of the Republic of Kenya at State House in Nairobi. Three forms of violence immediately broke out across the country: disorganised and spontaneous protests; organised militia activity; and disproportionate use of force by the Kenyan police force and General Service Unit (GSU). As a result, over 500 people were killed, 4,000 exiled in Uganda and over 250,000 people internally displaced. Many more are in hospital nursing injuries.Domestic election observers who monitored the final hours of the presidential ballot tallying and announcements noticed transgressions at once brazen and shocking. The following log captures the critical highlights of Kenya’s deviation from democracy.
Saturday December 29, 2007
1343: Results for 174 constituencies received and the gap narrows
While sitting with Institute of Education in Democracy (IED)’s Executive Director, Koki Muli (observer), and journalist Kiss 100’s Paul Ilado (journalist) on the second floor of Kenyatta International Conference Centre (KICC), the ECK’s Chair, Samuel Kivuitu, receives results that put the gap between the Party of National Unity (PNU)’s Kibaki about 107,779 votes behind the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM)’s Raila Odinga—Kibaki has 3,697,768 and Odinga 3,805,547 votes, while ODM Kenya’s Kalonzo Musyoka has 498,361 votes.
1500: Nail-biting wait
Some ECK Commissioners express concerns to Muli about the long delays and remark that, since the gap between the two front-runners is narrowing, the ECK may have to await results from all the constituencies before announcing the final tally. This, it is feared, will heighten tensions and anxiety among political parties, their candidates and supporters. No one seems to understand why the delays were so long, especially as the ECK had been better prepared than in 2002, when such delays were not experienced.
1600: Ballots scrutiny
Kivuitu becomes more suspicious of discrepancies and begins to contemplate a re-examination of results. Most results are not available as they have only been telephoned in. Kivuitu yields to pressure from ODM and PNU to scrutinise the tallying of presidential ballots in all the 210 constituencies after party agents point out that votes being announced by the ECK’s tallying centre in KICC do not agree with those announced at the constituency tallying centres. He agrees to have two political party agents each for every presidential candidate and five domestic election observers verify the results. Kivuitu says he wants the findings in a report to be discussed by all ECK Commissioners the following morning.
1800: The night shift begins
The atmosphere inside the ECK is tense. The day teams leave without properly handing over to the night teams. Kipkemoi Kirui, deputy leader for Team II (night), notes that although results for Lamu East, Lamu West, Wundanyi and Dujis have come in, they do not have the statutory documents, Forms 16A, 16 and 17A, accompanying them. The day team leaders responsible have therefore not signed for them. Kirui also refuses to receive them without the necessary documents because there are doubts about the verity of the data. Word goes round that his team is not accepting results without the accompanying Form 16As. For most of the night, he and his team repeatedly call the returning officers for results together with statutory documents. Statutory documents for Ijara, Galole, Wundanyi and Dujis are not received even though the results are phoned in.
1900: Setting up for verification
The tallying centre at KICC is set up for ten teams, each sitting around a table to receive, verify and forward constituency results to the internet technology (IT) team to prepare for announcement. The teams are managed by a team leader and a deputy leader. Most of the teams consist of returning officers and ECK staff. Each team is working on about 21 constituencies shared according to ECK’s own plan so that, for example, Team I deals with Mombasa and Nairobi.
In addition to tables for the ten teams, more are reserved for use by ECK Commissioners and senior staff as well as filing clerks, spread out strategically in the room to enable any of the abovementioned people to operate from a station. There are also waiting chairs reserved for returning officers, security staff and other people allowed inside the rooms.
2000-2100: Initial hitches
Observers are denied access to the tallying room at KICC. They get the ECK Chair and Secretary to intervene and are finally let in. ECK Deputy Secretary, Suleiman Chege, who receives them congenially, insists that they be accorded all the help they need. Observers are conducted on a tour of ECK’s offices enthusiastically.
2237: Verification begins
After arguments about how and where to begin the verification, work finally begins. James Orengo for ODM insists that results for all 210 constituencies be reviewed while Martha Karua for PNU wants scrutiny to be limited to Forms 16A of only contested constituencies, which she insists they have to identify and agree on since the discrepancies and problems associated with tallying are not only in constituencies that the ODM identified in the afternoon, mostly in Central and central Eastern Provinces, but were in Nyanza and the Rift Valley. Julius Melli, Association of Professional Societies in East Africa (APSEA) (observer) encounters a hostile reception at the verifying tables. Karua complains about there being too many observers, prompting a domestic observer to move from the table where agents of political parties are seated to another table where he is not noticeable.
2247: Extent of the problem
All results for the presidential election are in except for 14 constituencies.
Observers immediately notice discrepancies in the results transmitted from the constituencies to the ECK’s headquarters at KICC. They also notice that a number of the statutory documents for the constituencies’ returns have serious anomalies:
a) they are not signed by the returning officers;
b) they are not countersigned by agents;
c) in some cases, only photocopies of these forms are available even though the law requires that the originals be filed;
d) although all these forms (Form 16A, 16 and 17A) require an ECK stamp to stamp to validate them, those that have a stamp are the exception rather than the rule;
e) ECK Commissioners have thus announced constituency results without verifying their authenticity with the necessary statutory documentation. For example, provisional results were telephoned in and even though the ECK called back the returning officers to ensure the results indeed came from them, most returning officers phoned in different results from what they delivered in person to KICC. Yet the ECK Commissioners accepted and included these results in the final tally;
f) Although the ECK Regulations (Parliamentary and Presidential Elections Act, Cap 7 of 2007) clearly states that the ECK shall not accept for results that showed voter turnout of 100 per cent and above, the ECK Commissioners allowed returning officers who had returns over 100 per cent to “correct them.†They subsequently accepted and included such results for tallying without any explanation, for example, Maragwa constituency had given results amounting to a 115 per cent voter turnout but the returning officer was allowed to reduce them to 85.24 per cent at KICC and these results were accepted for the final tally!
g) It is unusual for ECK senior staff and Commissioners to accept results from constituencies without proper documentation and to allow returning officers to prepare the documentation at the ECK headquarters as they did at KICC. Most returning officers did not arrive with proper documentation yet were allowed to prepare their documents at KICC. This was the case for Kipipiri, Starehe, Kinangop, Garsen, Turkana Central and Turkana North and Kajiado North.
Observer inquiries establish that agents were unable to sign Form 16A in areas of Central and Eastern provinces because they were not allowed to do so or they were sent out of the counting halls altogether. In some areas, the returning officers inform the observers that agents did not feel secure enough to stay through the counting. This apparently happened in the Meru districts, in Central, Nyanza and parts of the Rift Valley.
The agents of PNU, ODM and ODM-K settle on 44 constituencies found to have filed results, already announced by ECK Commissioners, without any primary or original evidence for example, original signed, countersigned and stamped Forms 16A, 16 and 17A. These constituencies include the following: Gatundu South, Makadara, Likoni, Kaloleni, Galole, Lamu East, Wundanyi, Malindi, Voi, Ijara, Dujis, Igembe South, South Imenti, Nithi, Kitui West, Kitui South, Mwala, Kinangop, Ol Kalou, Mukurweini, Juja, Githunguri, Kiambaa, Lari, Eldoret East, Baringo East, Baringo Central, Laikipia West, Nakuru Town, Naivasha, Kuresoi, Rongai, Kimilili, Bumula, Alego, Bondo, Kisumu Rural, Kasipul-Kabondo, Ndhiwa, Migori, Kuria, Bomachoge, Bobasi, Nyaribaru Chache and Kitutu Masaba.
Results for these constituencies were thus announced in contravention of the law.
In addition, results for Dagoretti constituency were found to have been announced while vote tallying was still in progress.
Documents for Kinangop, Kipipiri, Ol Kalou, Ndaragwa, Tetu, Kieni, Mathira, Othaya and Ndaragwa had no ECK stamp.
Many constituency results were received and announced by Commissioners without the signatures of ECK officials and all party agents. Indeed, some of the documents conveying the results contained only the results without the presiding officers’ signature, ECK stamp or any agent’s signature. For example, there were no signatures and stamps in most Forms 16A, 16, and 17 A from Nithi, Kitui West, Kitui South, Mwala, Kinangop, Ol Kalou, Mukurweini, Gichugu, Lari, Mathioya, Eldoret East, Mosop, Aldai, Baringo East, Baringo Central, Laikipia West, Naivasha, Nakuru, Kuresoi, Kajiado North, and Kajiado South yet the Commissioners had already announced the results from these constituencies.
Some constituencies had only a few statutory forms, but their total votes were still announced. These included Ndaragwa, which had 25 Forms 16A not signed by party agents.
There were 34 Forms 16A not signed for Mathira. There was one Form 16A that had a double entry, and two returns for parliamentary results were entered in the presidential file. The total presidential tally of 16A returns was actually 77,442 votes after additions were verified by a Commissioner, ECK Deputy Secretary and observers against the 80,024 announced by the ECK.
The ECK’s legal officer, Jemimah Keli, is notified of these discrepancies by Melli, but she takes away the file and hands it to the ECK’s head of research, […] Laichena, for storage. She says rechecking numbers would slow everyone down. The focus of the scrutiny, she adds, should be limited to whether or not there are Forms 16 and 16A, and not stretch to calculations or checking for consistency in the figures. She says that she and other ECK staff had not slept for many days and wished they could do voluntary work like the observers. She asks if Melli is being paid to observe the elections. When answers in the negative, she asks why he is paying so much attention to detail. She is taking notes but seems more preoccupied with justifying every concern raised than addressing it. There are questions about the accuracy of her record of the goings-on.
16 Forms 16A for Othaya have not been signed by party agents.
Results for the following constituencies were announced without some statutory documents including Forms 16A, 16 and 17A Makadara, Starehe, Likoni, Malindi, Galole, Wundanyi, Ijara, Lamu East, Voi, Dujis and Igembe South.
Some results were also faxed as provisional tallies, as in Kirinyaga Central. In other cases, results were announced when there was no documentation to support the announcement, for example, Kimilili, Bumula Alego, Kitutu Masaba, Nyaribari Chache, Bomachoge and Kuria constituencies.
In some cases, the returning officers’ files available at ECK’s tallying centre are in duplicate and ECK senior staff claim they cannot find the original files for scrutiny. Examples include Kieni, Ol Kalou and North Imenti. Indeed, most photocopies of Forms 16A were neither signed by the presiding officers nor by party agents, yet the results on such forms were included in the tally of results.
In some cases there were disparities between the total votes cast for parliamentary and civic elections on one part and those cast for the presidential election on the other.
2300: Results without documents
Work slows to a near-stop until around midnight when a sleepy-looking fellow is ushered in. He is the returning officer from Moyale. He does not have Forms 16A, 16, 17 or 17A. He slips into a doze as Kirui consults. Hours later, Kivuitu announces the Moyale results—without any documentation.
After Moyale, results for Saku and Laisamis follow. They are not supported by any of the statutory documents and Kirui refuses to receive them. His Team Leader goes ahead to receive them nonetheless. The ECK Chair announces the results. The figures are, in a number of instances, overstated. Kirui feels perturbed because there is no reason for the returning officers’ failure to bring in the statutory documents three days after the vote tallying at the constituency level.
Disparities between provisional results phoned in earlier and those relayed to KICC were also noted for Kipipiri, Kieni, Maragua, Juja and Dagoretti constituencies
2300: Slippery returning officers
Observers Melli and Muli meet the returning officer for Starehe and ask about the constituency. He says the people who had been causing trouble wanted to disrupt the electoral process. They had wanted him to announce results that favoured their candidate and had been threatening him and pushing him forward but he says he had insisted on doing what the ECK had sent him to do.
He says that he first called for police reinforcements and then announced the winner because they had recounted the vote twice. There had been an anomaly in one of the stations, he says, and when it was rectified, the winner was known. He does not, however, let observers examine the file for the constituency. Observers never got to examine the file.
The Kipipiri results reported on the telephone give 36,470 votes to Kibaki against the 37,315 announced by the ECK. The final tally on file shows 37,279 votes.
Sunday, December 30, 2007
0100: Insider information
One ECK senior staff member calls Muli outside the hall and asks her if she is aware that something terrible is happening. The ECK senior staff member points out that it is important for observers to scrutinise all returning officers’ returns especially of Mombasa, Central, Eastern, North Eastern, Rift Valley and Nyanza. The senior staff member also cautions her that the discrepancies have been planned systematically and are not accidental. She says the scheme involves most Commissioners, who have organised how the tallying will be carried out. There is also the concern that Commissioners were in charge of their regions—which had not been the practice in the past—and most of the Commissioners engaged returning officers who owed them loyalty, in some cases, replacing returning officers who had experience, having worked with the ECK in the past.
0200: Missing returns
The only constituencies without results are Kibwezi and Emuhaya. In the case of Kibwezi, the returning officer had reportedly been threatened with dire consequences by one of the candidates if he released the results. Although he was assured of transport by helicopter and additional paramilitary police escort, he still would not come in. Emuhaya was bogged down by logistical problems. The ECK Chair announced the results the following day.
Electoral official quits
Kirui’s colleagues tell him that results are being reduced or suppressed for certain constituencies. He raises the alarm. He takes his Team Leader, […] Njuguna, aside and starts saying: “My brother, this is an important national exercise. I am concerned that we are not following the law and we are letting down Kenyans …†Njuguna tells him he would be recommending Kirui’s removal because he was proving difficult. He goes ahead to report him to Daniel Koech, who asks Njuguna to cooperate with Kirui.
Njuguna goes back to their work station. Kirui follows him and tells the team that he regards their work as an important national exercise that demands patriotism and neutrality. Kirui also demands respect and cooperation from Njuguna, who says that if he wishes to, he could leave. Kirui leaves the ECK offices for the last time.
0400: Fatigue and irritation set in
Melli says, “I started noticing general irritation and resistance from ECK officials. I asked for the Nithi constituency file, but the returning officer grabbed it and held it close to his chest. The same was the case for the Starehe constituency file. The returning officer for Nithi went outside and carried all his documents with him wherever he went.†ECK Commissioners who are asked to intervene defend their staff, saying they had not completed work on the files.
0500: Invented figures show up
Molo constituency returning officer provides results showing that Kibaki has 50,145 votes at completion of counting but ECK prepares to announce 75,261 votes for him and provides a computer print out of the increased results. ECK Commission staff deny observers the opportunity to verify information on file, saying the result had not been announced.
Observers at the ECK tallying centre at KICC who take a break from the tallying room to freshen up are denied re-entry. Those who come in to relieve their colleagues on night duty are also barred from entering. Police presence is strong and the atmosphere tense.
0930: Agents ordered out
A message goes out on the public address system asking all agents to leave the premises. Observers are also ordered out and evicted.
1000: ECK goes underground
A media briefing scheduled for 1000 to announce presidential results is put off indefinitely.
1100: Odinga press conference
The ODM presidential candidate claims he has won the election according to results from his call centre.
1300: Trial balloon
Word goes round that the ECK could announce the results of the presidential election at any time.
1421: ODM press conference
ODM holds a press briefing at KICC and discloses rigging by the ECK in 48 constituencies after a joint parties and ECK audit of all the 210 constituencies. William Ruto discloses that all 48 constituencies lacked supporting documents and inflated Kibaki’s figures. The ECK does not provide any evidence to the contrary.
1620: Protests on the floor
The ECK Chair attempts to announce the final results of the presidential election. He, however, begun with announcing the results of Molo which were inflated, 75,261 instead of the 50,145 votes announced at the constituency tallying centre. Kivuitu is shouted down by ODM which insists that the contested results need to be resolved, including those of Molo, and also insist the delayed results from Eastern and Central provinces had been inflated. The ECK Commissioners leave the briefing centre under police escort.
1642: Bombshell
An ECK staff member, Kipkemoi Kirui, tells an ODM-convened press conference that the poll results and documents are being manipulated at the KICC, and that he and many other people had deserted their work stations in frustration.
1700: Dogged determination
A signal goes out to the diplomatic corps that the ECK is about to announce the results.
1739: The Final announcement
Paramilitary police clear KICC as the ECK Chair announces Kibaki winner of the presidential election in a sealed room. The news is relayed via the public Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) and picked up by other networks.
1824: Swift swearing-in
Kibaki is sworn in as President at State House in Nairobi as protests erupt all over Kenya.
A live press conference by ODM is pulled off air as the Minister for Internal Security suspends live broadcasts.
i’ve been reading your very neat, very clever blog for a while now.keep up the good informative work.
it’s such a tragedy.after reading this i can only conclude that the buck really stopped with kivuitu.but then again maybe he was in on it all along.all of us, all 42 tribes for that matter, have been treated with utter contempt and disregard by the abusers of the system and until our constitution is changed we are i’m afraid, helpless.
As I read this, my eyes are dripping of tears – how in the world can we have such a compromised system. Kwani – what is the need of having elections, if the all the people involved don’t respect the exercise. I am saddened by these events. I feel powerless and abused. It’s even sad that some people don’t see any wrong in this, even religious leaders. How shameless can anyone be to hold an office after such irregularities? My sisters and brothers we need to condemn this at all costs – where will our children live and how will they conduct themselves – what example are our parents setting with such acts? The questions are endless. Every Kenyans should condemn this at all costs – it doesn’t matter whether it is favorable to your tribe or not! This defeats the whole purpose of a government – from a trust perspective.
These are some of the saddest days for me as a Kenyan. I feel raped and defiled. Hopefully we will get all the people involved to admit and repent
Laura
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZnepHUYFqgg
Does anyone else find it strange that our local newspapers, who are always so fast to serialize some interesting and some not so interesting books have not gone out of their way to publish/serialize this?
To me this account answers many previously unanswered questions and is the perfect answer to Mr Alfred Mutua’s recent series of full page newspaper ads (paid for by taxpayers) asking for “proof” of the alleged rigging.
Whatever happenned, rigged or not rigged, counted or not counted, my verdict is that Raila should never and will never be Kenya’s president. You just need to have watched BBC Hardtalk to understand what am talking about. Right now, the biggest worry is if Raila nears that seat. Anybody else can lead Kenya but not Raila.
@Mkenya, what is your arguement based on?? Why he can’t rule Kenya? Quite shameful to make such a statement in public without providing any evidence. Well again that is your opinion and not a fact.
Raila’s development record is quite good even though most people don’t want to recognise that.
One thing i know is that, the RICH are afraid of him. The POOR embrace him. He speaks his mind and keeps his word.
Kenya needs an honest leader, if it means Hon. Raila is the man to do it, then so be it.
Ugandan Newspaper article on Kenya’s rigged elections
http://www.monitor.co.ug/artman/publish/muniini/
What a deceptive world where a spade is called a big spoon!
Dear Tingasiga:
We live in an era of linguistic deception; of calling things what they are not; of not calling things what they are.
People do not die. They pass away. A country’s president, a certified pathological liar, does not tell lies. He misspeaks. He misrepresents the truth. A government minister does not steal public funds.
He misappropriates them. He is not a thief or robber. He is corrupt.
Listen to the barrage of painfully deceptive words in reference to the disaster that was Kenya’s presidential election ten days ago. Scribes and diplomats alike report that the Kenyan presidential election was “flawedâ€; it was marred by “irregularities,†“malpractices†and “loopholes†in the tallying of the votes.
These are soft words that make it sound like innocuous incompetence; mischief by naughty politicians and their agents; nothing more than that. I refuse to engage in such diplomatic circumlocution in this deceptive intellectual tip-toeing around matters that demand calling a spade a spade.
What happened in Kenya was grand thieving, daylight robbery by political bandits who care less about Kenya than they do about their overflowing pockets and egos. To avoid ambiguity, Tingasiga, let us record for posterity that the Kenyan presidential election of December 27, 2007 was stolen by Emilio Stanley Mwai Kibaki, in a civil-paramilitary coup that began long before the millions of hopeful Kenyan voters went to the polls to elect their new president, Raila Amolo Odinga.
Yes, that’s right. The elected president of Kenya is the son of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, he who wrote, 40 years ago, Not Yet Uhuru, a classic treatise whose title is true today as it was all those many years ago. That is why it is a great insult to the Kenyan people to ask their chosen leader, Raila Odinga, to join Kibaki, the loser who stole the throne, in a so-called government of national unity (GNU). It is akin to asking a man to return to his own house, to join those who have robbed and raped his house and spouse in a fellowship dance of death.
No, the Kenyan people have rejected Kibaki, along with most of his ministers and parliamentary candidates. To force him onto them, no matter what justification, is to annul their democratic and human rights. Stay the course Raila. Say no to the Americans and the British and whoever else is afraid to call a spade a spade.
A week ago I, like most of the world, laboured under the view that Kenya’s ruling classes and their Electoral Commission (ECK) were committed to democracy. Today, I stand disabused of this illusion, not only by the confessions of ECK Chairman Samuel Kivuitu; and not only by careful analysis of the published electoral results, but by the most extraordinary tales I have heard first hand from sources that were right at the centre of the Kibaki coup.
According to my sources, with whom I have spoken at length by telephone, the events of last week were a culmination of a well-calculated and brilliantly executed plot that was hatched at least two years ago to keep Kibaki in power. The Kenyan referendum of 2005, which was won by Raila Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), left no doubt in the Kibaki Court that there was little hope of winning the presidential election of 2007.
My sources have confirmed as true the allegations by Raila Odinga that a combined force of the Administration Police (AP) headed by Commandant Kinuthia Mbugua, members of the National Security Intelligence Service (NSIS) led by Director General Michael Gichangi, and sections of the Kenya Armed Forces, led by Lt. Gen. Julius Karangi, the Deputy Chief of the General Staff (CGS) swung into action to sabotage the democratic hopes and rights of Kenyans. My sources told me that the Administration Police, very loyal to Kibaki, was drilled in election rigging and funds from the security services were used to buy electoral clerks and returning officers of the ECK.
Above all, “advance marking†of presidential ballots were embarked on by six AP officers, allegedly headed by one Jabel Munene.
According to my sources, by election day, pre-marked ballots giving Kibaki a huge lead over Odinga had been transported to many polling stations across the country, carried there in 56 buses that also ferried 3,500 AP officers who had shed their police uniforms in exchange for ECK polling agents’ and returning officers’ badges.
The AP officers-cum-polling agents who went to Odinga’s home province of Nyanza were attacked and forced to retreat by the locals. They had taken the precaution of rigging the Nyanza ballots in favour of Odinga to make their voting patterns appear “genuine.â€
Furthermore, where they inflated the numbers for Kibaki, they made sure they inflated Raila’s numbers, but to a lesser degree of course. To be sure of “victory†they created new polling stations, complete with ballot-filled boxes that gave Kibaki decisive “wins†over Odinga. This ballot stuffing and substitution of fake “ballot boxes†for the official ones into which Kenyans cast their votes by the millions, is the reason why Kibaki and his courtiers have been calling for a recount.
But that is also why Odinga and the ODM, fully aware of the entire anatomy of the robbery, have rejected the idea of a recount. They are right. What Kenyans need is a fresh election, conducted and supervised by a team from the United Nations and from a select group of truly democratic members of the African Union .
Meanwhile, as the world continues to dispense its advice to the Kenyan leaders and citizens, we should all meditate upon this secret brief, which was written by the Analysis and Production Division of the NSIS, and sent to President Kibaki on December 29, 2007: “Any announcement which would not favour Raila Odinga is going to be a source of anarchy in the country.â€
Kibaki ignored the advice of his intelligence agents. Rivers of blood now flow in what was supposedly an island of stability.
Contact: mkmulera@aol.com
This happened in Liberia in 1989, it might happen in Kenya in 2008 if no one stands down.
Watch the similarities between the Liberian situation and the Kenyan situation. Very similar – with small differences.
This Is Africa – The Liberian Story
Ory, why don’t you make an entry on how disgraced Kibaki is in the eyes of the world? Here are some commentators/newspapers lashing at the “conman”.
http://www.monitor.co.ug/artman/publish/news/Kenya_Crisis_Mazrui_blames_Kibaki.shtml
http://www.jaluo.com/wangwach/200801/Marselus011908.html
http://www.reuters.cz/article/topNews/idUSL1846615720080118
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7199757.stm
http://www.newtimes.co.rw/index.php?issue=13406&article=3476
http://allafrica.com/stories/200801170686.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/kenya/story/0,,2243421,00.html
The comment I left here earlier – about the public in developed countries not really being surprised by yet another corrupt, rigged election in Africa with the big men looking after themselves – appears to have been deleted. Censorship? If so, that’s a shame.
My apologies – pse ignore the last comment: I didn’t realise that comments are moderated.
PETITION BY AVAAZ.ORG
Dear Friends,
Kenya still teeters on the brink of disaster – today bullets are flying on the streets, with over 600 killed and 250,000 made homeless as government and opposition dispute the presidency. There’s hope yet, as Kenyan civil society groups stand up for peace and justice — but only dialogue and an independent review of the tainted election can end this crisis and prevent escalating violence.
The world can play a crucial role: by reinforcing the efforts of mediators like Kofi Annan, and refusing to recognize any government until it is legitimately established. 50,000 Avaaz members have already sent this message to our foreign ministers, and almost all have listened so far. But inside Kenya, hardline leaders are sowing conflict.
President Kibaki and opposition leader Odinga need to hear that international legitimacy will only come after a mediated resolution. To send this message, we’re taking out a full page ad in The East African Standard, an influential Kenyan newspaper. The ad will list the number of messages we’ve sent to our governments – can we double its strength by sending 100,000 messages this week before the ad runs? Click below to see the ad, send your message and spread the word:
http://www.avaaz.org/en/kenya_free_and_fair/5.php
Kenya depends on international tourism, aid and trade. With both Odinga and Kibaki accepting Kofi Annan’s mediation mission, there may be light at the end of the tunnel. It’s not too late to help Kenya back from the brink — send your message, spread the word today.
With hope,
Paul, Pascal, Galit, Ricken, Ben, Esra’a and the whole Avaaz team
Catts:
You said the following: “Raila’s development record is quite good even though most people don’t want to recognise that”
Really? you called someone above shameful for making a statement without providing evidence. So, I’d like to throw that back at you – provide evidence of Raila’s “good” development record. When one looks at Kibera today (forgive me for saying this) but the evidence does not appear to be on Raila’s side:wink:
kenyanentrepreneur.com
Kenyanentreprenuer.com you seem to be talking of railas development record… kindly provide evidence of Kibaki’s development record before he became president.
Kibera is not an MP problem, it is actually a national problem. Lack of good policy implementation and proper planning are the main cause for the upbringing for Kibera. In fact when Kibaki was the minister for finance and national planning, in the 60s had he planned properly, there would never have been a situation like Kibera.
@Kenyanentreprenuer.com, you have alot of SIASA. Like Fatara said, you need to come to the realization that KIBERA is not Raila’s problem but the government’s problem. Raila did not create Kibera slum. What has the government done to improve the living conditions in Kibera?
You can read an overview of Raila’s achievements at Raila07.com
The man keeps his word and you have to give him that. Kenya needs honest leaders not bongo lalaz.
Mkenya, Catts, Kenyanentreprenuer, Fatara,
I think it reprehensible to postulate that a community leader “cannot rule” Kenya. Whenever and wherever I read or hear such charged statements I have observed and know that ethnic epithets are not far behind. I do not care what community you are from-this is the type of divisive drivel that has our nation staring into the abyss that is civil war.
Thankfully, Mkenya and all those who think like you have ONE vote just like the rest of us. You do NOT individually determine who can and cannot rule Kenya.
WE collectively get to determine who our representatives will be at Town/City Council, Parliament and Presidential level respectively.
WE.
Added to which, until such time as fresh elections are called, how exactly do the ‘development records’ of Odinga and Kibaki help us?
What part of the abovementioned chain of events as collated by organizations forming Kenyan Civil Society suggested that these ‘development records’ played a part in this controversy?
Could the contention over the’development records’ be suspended until we address pressing matters at hand?
This, and I quote, is the situation we are in:
“……we reiterate that the electoral anomalies, malpractices and illegalities noted were sufficient to alter the outcomes of the Presidential election. To this extent, the counting and tallying process for the Presidential election cannot be called free and fair. And the incumbent cannot be said to be in office legitimately or legally.An independent investigation into this process is necessary to bring the country to closure on this issue. Such an investigation must be a priority for the mediation process. ”
Can we therefore direct our not inconsiderable enrgies towards breaking the current political deadlock rather than reinforcing it?
Just a thought.
I didn’t vote for either of Raila or Kibaki. I’m now suffering regardless. But when I read the following link on planned ethnic attacks, it baffles me how some people above have faith in some leaders such as Raila:
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/01/23/kenya17859_txt.htm
Please, this account is a lie. If you were in kenya during the elections, you’d realize that the “election official” that ODM paraded in front of the media was neither an official nor credible. Dude had sketchy details and claimed to have been in different polling stations. The press conference had to be abruptly ended because the dude was making RAO look like an idiot. I wish there was a youtube clip of this “evidence”. Calling it a lie is understating the truth.
on 27th we voted. mine was just one but today am suffering as if i had 10 votes n i refused to cast the other 9. kenyans r asking themselves did we make a mistake by voting? Raila n Kibaki should solve their problem thier own way without involving innocent kenyans. they r making us look like idiots. pple r killing each other like dogs forgeting tomorrow. kenya i8s more important to us n we r demanding peace.
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[…] the ethnic killings a spontaneous response to a rigged election? Or might they have been […]